End to Corruption: Alberta's Public Workers Protection Act (J.LaFace)

Alberta's Public Workers Protection Act (APWPA)

January 25th, 2026

by: Jason LaFace

In Alberta, unions play a vital role in protecting workers' rights, and their existence is enshrined in both the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Alberta Labour Relations Code. These protections ensure that employees can collectively bargain for fair wages, safe working conditions, and other benefits without fear of reprisal. However, these safeguards aren't absolute. When unions veer into corruption, inefficiency, or misuse of power, there are mechanisms in place to address these issues, including legislative intervention to dissolve or reform them. This is particularly relevant in the public sector, where unions like the Alberta Teachers' Association (ATA), the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), and the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW) wield significant influence over essential services. While private sector unions often operate with more direct accountability to their members, public sector ones can sometimes prioritize political agendas over the needs of workers and the public they serve.

The focus here is on the ATA, which represents Alberta's teachers and has come under increasing scrutiny for practices that many see as detrimental to education, taxpayers, and even its own members. Recent events, including a province-wide strike in late 2025 that disrupted classrooms for weeks, have highlighted deep-seated issues within the organization. Teachers have reported feeling bullied, silenced, and used as pawns in broader political battles, while the public grows weary of recurring strikes that hold children's education hostage. It's time for a bold solution:

Alberta's Public Workers Protection Act (APWPA).

This proposed legislation would specifically target public sector unions in education, creating a framework that empowers teachers, protects pension funds, fosters innovation, and eliminates barriers to efficient problem-solving—all while curbing corruption and external political interference.

The Current Problems Plaguing the ATA

Teachers in Alberta's classrooms face real challenges every day: overcrowded rooms, complex student needs, language barriers exacerbated by immigration trends, and evolving curriculum demands. Yet, according to numerous educators I've spoken with, addressing these issues often feels like an uphill battle against their own union. When a problem arises—say, a disruptive classroom dynamic or inadequate resources—teachers must petition the ATA board, sometimes twice a year, only to see their concerns dragged out and weaponized for leverage in negotiations. The board, critics argue, lets issues fester to build pressure for strikes, ultimately extorting concessions from the government and taxpayers rather than seeking swift resolutions.

This isn't just inefficiency; it's a form of systemic abuse. Union bullying is a recurring complaint. For instance, teachers who raise concerns about colleagues not adhering to certain curriculum elements—often perceived as ideologically driven—face penalties from the ATA. Reports have surfaced of educators being coerced into displaying LGBTQ+ flags in classrooms, with objections leading to fines or professional repercussions. Similarly, inquiries into union financials are met with stonewalling: "Say nothing, ask nothing." Proposals to tackle practical issues, like adapting to language barriers in diverse classrooms, are shut down, with persistent voices risking sanctions.

The 2025 strike brought these tensions to a head. Teachers took to platforms like TikTok, X, and Meta to voice frustrations about being left on the hook for depleted funds post-strike. Strikingly, while local teachers received zero strike pay, union representatives from other provinces were compensated, and paid protesters were bused in from places like British Columbia and Calgary to rally at Edmonton's Legislative Grounds. The ATA covered buses, travel, and other expenses for these events, yet teachers—whose dues fund the union—saw none of that support. The ATA's budget allocates funds for rallies, protests, and government advocacy, but dues are meant to ensure strike pay during negotiations. The union initiated the strike, yet accountability for this "nonsense" remains elusive.

Adding to the concerns is the ATA's apparent political entanglements. Newsletters have featured full-spread promotions for the Alberta NDP, raising questions about impartiality. There's evidence of collusion with the NDP and federal labor unions, including proxy support that blurs the line between worker advocacy and partisan politics. Broader public sector trends amplify this: union leaders promoting foreign protests or unrelated issues, such as those in Palestine, or aligning with groups like ANTIFA. In Ontario, figures like Charlie Angus have mobilized public sector unions against citizens concerned about mass immigration, often funded through federal Liberal/NDP grants laundered via non-profits. These grants pay union members to attend protests or push weaponized messaging, diverting resources from core mandates.

In Alberta, this pattern manifests in recurring strikes across public sectors—healthcare, education, transportation—rotating every few years for various demands. The public is fed up, and teachers are too. Kids shouldn't be pawns in political battles for more money; they deserve consistent, high-quality education without delays.

External influences compound the problem. Organizations like Egale Canada, focused on 2SLGBTQI+ advocacy, have pushed what some view as left-wing biased indoctrination into schools, including materials on sexualization that bypass parental input. Teachers should have oversight on curriculum to ensure it remains balanced and focused on core learning, not ideological agendas. The APWPA would bar such groups from undue influence, prioritizing evidence-based education.

Introducing Alberta's Public Workers Protection Act

The APWPA would revolutionize public sector unions in education by shifting power back to the workers. Key features include:

• Member Protection and Empowerment: Teachers gain direct control over pension funds, ensuring transparency and preventing misuse. No more opaque financial decisions that leave members in the dark.

• Innovation and Efficiency: Remove bureaucratic hurdles so teachers can innovate and solve classroom problems quickly—without endless petitions to a distant board. This means faster adaptations to complexities like diverse student needs or resource shortages.

• Anti-Corruption Measures: End nepotism, illegal activities, and political collusion with strict oversight rules. Audits would be mandatory, and funds for rallies or unrelated advocacy would be restricted to member-approved uses only.

• Curriculum Oversight: Empower teachers and parents with input on what’s taught, blocking biased external programs and focusing on essential skills.

• Streamlined Pay Structure: Introduce a transparent pay table that boosts morale and attracts new talent. Competitive, merit-based incentives would reward excellence without the threat of strikes.

This act isn't about dismantling unions—it's about reforming them for a modern society. It prevents non-profits from forming unions solely to extort governments, parents, and taxpayers, while securing timelines for uninterrupted education. In the event of proven corruption, the legislation provides a clear path to dissolution or restructuring, aligning with existing legal frameworks under the Labour Relations Code.

In-Depth Look at the Features of Alberta's Public Workers Protection Act (APWPA):

Alberta's Public Workers Protection Act (APWPA) represents a forward-thinking reform aimed at revitalizing the public education sector by addressing longstanding issues within unions like the Alberta Teachers' Association (ATA). While respecting the constitutional protections afforded to unions under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Alberta Labour Relations Code, the APWPA introduces targeted mechanisms to curb corruption, enhance efficiency, and empower educators. Below, I delve into the core features of this proposed legislation, drawing from teacher feedback, recent events, and the need for a modernized system. Each feature is designed to prioritize students, teachers, and taxpayers, ensuring that public education serves its primary purpose without being hijacked by political or bureaucratic agendas.

1. Member Protection and Empowerment: Full Control Over Pension Funds and Transparent Governance

At the heart of the APWPA is a shift in power dynamics, placing control directly in the hands of individual teachers rather than opaque union boards. Currently, pension funds managed by the ATA—valued at billions collectively across public sector plans—are often shrouded in secrecy, with members facing resistance when seeking details on investments or expenditures. Teachers have reported being told to "ask nothing" about financials, fostering distrust and potential misuse.

Under the APWPA:

• Direct Member Oversight: Teachers would elect independent oversight committees to manage and audit pension funds, bypassing traditional union hierarchies. This includes mandatory annual disclosures of all investments, fees, and returns, accessible via a secure online portal.

• Protection from Bullying: The act would prohibit union penalties for financial inquiries or complaints, with legal safeguards including anonymous reporting channels and whistleblower protections. For example, if a teacher questions fund allocations used for out-of-province rally expenses (as seen in the 2025 strike), they couldn't face fines or professional repercussions.

• Benefits: This empowerment boosts morale by ensuring dues contribute to retirement security rather than unrelated activities. It also prevents nepotism, such as favoring union executives' allies in fund management roles, through strict conflict-of-interest rules enforced by an independent provincial auditor.

By democratizing fund control, the APWPA transforms teachers from passive dues-payers into active stewards, reducing the risk of corruption that has plagued similar unions elsewhere in Canada.

2. Innovation and Efficiency: Streamlined Problem-Solving Without Bureaucratic Barriers

One of the most frequent grievances from Alberta teachers is the cumbersome process for addressing classroom issues. Problems like language barriers from immigration influxes, resource shortages, or student behavioral challenges require petitions to the ATA board—often twice annually—only to languish as leverage for strikes. This delays solutions and exacerbates frustrations, with teachers feeling forced to "beg" for action.

The APWPA addresses this head-on:

• Decentralized Decision-Making: Schools would establish local innovation councils comprising teachers, administrators, and parents, empowered to implement solutions without ATA approval. For instance, a teacher proposing adaptive language programs could pilot them immediately, with provincial funding allocated based on proven efficacy.

• Rapid Response Timelines: The act mandates resolution protocols within 30 days for reported issues, using digital platforms for submissions and tracking. No more festering problems; if unresolved, escalation goes directly to a neutral provincial mediator, not the union.

• Innovation Incentives: Teachers could access grants for creative initiatives, such as tech-integrated lesson plans or peer-mentoring programs, funded by reallocated union dues savings.

This feature fosters a proactive culture, allowing educators to tackle complexities like diverse classrooms swiftly. The result? Fewer disruptions, higher teacher retention, and better student outcomes, all without the extortionate strikes that have become a biennial ritual.

3. Anti-Corruption Measures: Ending Nepotism, Illegal Activities, and Political Collusion

Corruption allegations have dogged the ATA, from unaccounted rally funds during the 2025 strike—where teachers got no strike pay but out-of-province reps and paid protesters received compensation—to political endorsements in newsletters promoting the NDP. Broader concerns include federal grants laundered through non-profits to fund protests on unrelated issues like Palestine or ANTIFA affiliations, as seen in Ontario under figures like Charlie Angus.

The APWPA's anti-corruption framework is robust:

• Mandatory Audits and Restrictions: Annual third-party audits of all union finances, with dues restricted to core activities like negotiations and member support. Funds for rallies, foreign advocacy, or political ads would require 75% member approval via secret ballot.

• Prohibitions on External Influences: Ban on collusion with political parties or non-profits, with penalties including dissolution if violations are proven through Labour Relations Board investigations. Proxies like federal labor unions couldn't funnel support without disclosure.

• Enforcement Mechanisms: A dedicated Public Sector Integrity Commission would investigate complaints, with powers to impose fines, remove executives, or trigger union restructuring. This aligns with existing legislative paths to dissolve corrupt entities, ensuring accountability.

These measures eradicate the "nonsense" of misallocated resources, protecting taxpayers from extortion and teachers from being unwitting participants in political games.

4. Curriculum Oversight: Teacher-Led Input and Blocking Biased Indoctrination

Teachers should have a say in what's taught, but external groups like Egale Canada have influenced curricula with what many view as left-wing biased content on sexualization and identity, often without balanced perspectives. The ATA has reportedly penalized objectors, such as those refusing to display LGBTQ+ flags.

The APWPA ensures balanced education:

• Empowered Oversight Committees: Teachers, elected by peers, would review and approve curriculum changes, incorporating parent feedback through advisory panels. This prevents unilateral impositions and focuses on core subjects like math, science, and critical thinking.

• Barriers to External Bias: Non-profits or advocacy groups couldn't present materials without rigorous vetting for neutrality. For example, programs promoting specific ideologies would require evidence of educational value and opt-in parental consent.

• Flexibility for Local Needs: Allow adaptations for regional issues, like cultural integration in immigrant-heavy areas, without union vetoes.

This safeguards against indoctrination, ensuring classrooms remain focused on learning rather than activism, while respecting diverse viewpoints.

5. Streamlined Pay Structure: Boosting Morale and Attracting Talent

Teacher shortages persist amid complaints of stagnant wages and strike-related financial burdens. The APWPA introduces a modernized compensation model:

• Transparent Pay Table: A province-wide grid based on experience, performance, and specialties, with automatic annual adjustments tied to inflation and benchmarks from comparable provinces. No more opaque negotiations; pay is predictable and fair.

• Incentive Programs: Bonuses for innovations, mentorship, or high student achievement, funded by efficiency savings from reduced strikes.

• Morale Enhancers: Provisions for professional development stipends and workload reductions, addressing burnout without collective bargaining delays.

This not only entices new educators but retains veterans, creating a motivated workforce dedicated to excellence.

In summary, the APWPA isn't a union-buster—it's a union-reformer, tailored for Alberta's public sector to end cycles of corruption and inefficiency. By implementing these features, we can secure a resilient education system that adapts to modern challenges, protects workers, and prioritizes our children's future. Albertans, should advocate for this act as a common-sense path forward in 2026 and beyond.

Why Alberta Needs This Now

Alberta's public sector unions, particularly in education, have strayed from their original purpose. The ATA's $126 million in assets and $11 million surplus in 2024 contrast sharply with underfunded classrooms and unsupported teachers. Recent legal battles, including complaints to the Alberta Labour Relations Board over bad-faith bargaining and misleading claims, underscore the need for change. By enacting the APWPA, Alberta can end the cycle of strikes, bullying, and political gamesmanship, fostering a system that truly serves educators, students, and the public.

This isn't just a policy proposal—it's a call to action for all Albertans. Teachers deserve better than being silenced or penalized. Parents deserve assurance that their kids' education isn't a bargaining chip. Taxpayers deserve accountability for their dollars. The APWPA protects everyone with common-sense rules, paving the way for an innovative, corruption-free education system. It's time to think about this seriously and push for real reform.

To strengthen the case for Alberta's Public Workers Protection Act (APWPA), it's helpful to look at real-world legislative examples where governments have reformed public sector unions, restricted certain powers, imposed back-to-work orders, or addressed inefficiencies and overreach—particularly in education and essential services. These precedents demonstrate that targeted reforms are possible within Canada's constitutional framework, even when unions enjoy Charter protections under Section 2(d) (freedom of association) and provincial labour laws.

While no single law perfectly mirrors the APWPA's comprehensive approach (which focuses on member empowerment, anti-corruption safeguards, and innovation in education), the following examples show pathways that Alberta could draw from or adapt. They highlight how provinces and other jurisdictions have used legislation to balance worker rights with public interest, prevent abuse of strike power, and enhance accountability.

1. Alberta's Recent Use of Back-to-Work Legislation (2025 Back to School Act / Bill 2)

In late 2025, Alberta's government invoked the notwithstanding clause (Section 33 of the Charter) to pass back-to-work legislation forcing over 50,000 striking teachers back to classrooms amid prolonged disruptions. This "Back to School Act" imposed a collective agreement, prohibited strikes until at least August 31, 2028, and prioritized uninterrupted education for students.

• Relevance to APWPA: This shows Alberta's willingness to use extraordinary legislative tools when public sector strikes threaten essential services like education. The APWPA could build on this by institutionalizing preventive measures—such as mandatory rapid-resolution timelines for classroom issues and restrictions on misusing funds for political activities—rather than reactive back-to-work orders. It avoids Charter challenges by focusing on internal union governance and transparency, not outright banning strikes.

2. Ontario's Bill 28 (2022) – Use of Notwithstanding Clause to Limit Strike Rights

Ontario passed Bill 28 (Keeping Students in Class Act) during a 2022 education workers' strike by CUPE members. It imposed a contract, banned strikes, and used the notwithstanding clause to override Charter challenges. The law was later repealed after public backlash and union pressure, but it demonstrated how provinces can temporarily restrict collective action in education to protect students.

• Relevance to APWPA: Similar to Alberta's 2025 action, this highlights legislative intervention in public sector education disputes. The APWPA would go further by proactively empowering teachers at the local level (e.g., school-based innovation councils) to resolve issues without escalation to strikes, reducing the need for such heavy-handed measures in the future.

3. Wisconsin's Act 10 (2011) – Comprehensive Public Sector Union Reform (U.S. Example)

In the United States, Wisconsin's Act 10 drastically reformed public sector unions, including teachers' unions. It limited collective bargaining to wages only (excluding benefits and working conditions), required annual union recertification votes (with over 50% support needed), ended automatic dues collection, and capped wage increases. This led to weakened union influence, more district flexibility in pay and hiring, and studies showing changes in teacher retention and performance incentives.

• Relevance to APWPA: Act 10 provides a model for shifting power from centralized unions to individual workers and local entities. Alberta could adapt elements like mandatory recertification for public sector unions showing corruption, transparent pay tables with merit incentives, and restrictions on dues use for non-core activities (e.g., political rallies or foreign advocacy). While Canada has stronger Charter protections, the APWPA could achieve similar goals through oversight committees and financial audits without fully dismantling bargaining rights.

4. Federal and Provincial Amendments to Labour Codes Addressing Accountability

Canada has seen targeted amendments to labour laws that enhance transparency and limit misuse:

• Federal Bills like C-4 (2016) repealed previous "anti-union" measures (e.g., C-377 and C-525), which had required financial disclosures and secret ballots for dues used politically. While these were repealed to strengthen unions, they illustrate how Parliament can mandate greater financial transparency.

• Alberta's Labour Relations Code (ongoing amendments, e.g., via Bill 32 in 2020) has included changes to bargaining processes, maintenance of essential services, and limits on certain disputes. Provinces like Saskatchewan and Ontario have also adjusted codes to require essential services agreements during strikes.

• Relevance to APWPA: These show that labour codes can be amended to impose audits, restrict dues spending, and add integrity commissions—core APWPA features. In cases of proven corruption (e.g., misuse of funds for non-member benefits), existing mechanisms under provincial labour boards allow for investigations, penalties, or even decertification/restructuring of unions.

5. Broader Precedents for Addressing Union Corruption

While rare in Canada due to strong union protections, international and historical examples exist where governments intervened in corrupt unions (e.g., U.S. laws under the Landrum-Griffin Act allowing federal oversight of union finances and elections). In Canada, allegations of corruption have led to internal union reforms or Labour Relations Board interventions, but no widespread dissolution laws. The APWPA could pioneer a provincial framework with a Public Sector Integrity Commission to handle complaints, audits, and escalation to dissolution if corruption is systemic—aligned with Charter limits but focused on public accountability.

These examples prove that legislatures can—and do—act when public sector unions impact essential services or exhibit mismanagement. The APWPA draws inspiration from them to create a balanced, Alberta-specific solution: respecting Charter rights while ending corruption, bullying, and political overreach in education. By learning from these precedents, Alberta can lead in modernizing public sector labour relations for the benefit of teachers, students, and taxpayers. This isn't about weakening workers—it's about protecting them from their own institutions when those institutions stray.

Contact Jason LaFace:

jason@albertaradio.ca